The largest Mardi Gras carnivals in the Caribbean and North America, are funded by the government, businesses, and wealthy Haitian families. Haiti's version of carnival season always starts in January, known as Pre-Kanaval, and the main carnival begins in February each year. Carnival celebrations end on Mardi Gras, which is French for Fat Tuesday, also known as Shrove Tuesday. Mardi Gras is the Tuesday before the Roman Catholic holiday known as Ash Wednesday. Ash Wednesday marks the beginning of the Lenten season, a somber period of fasting and penance that precedes Easter for Catholics.
The first Mardi Gras celebrations in Europe were a carnivalesque opportunity for people to indulge themselves, celebrate, and even subvert authority in a permissible way, as part of the party. Mardi Gras enabled people to enjoy the pleasures of life before the beginning of the Catholic Lent season, a period of 40 days and nights of fasting and penance leading up to Easter. The Catholic festival was imported to Haiti and elsewhere in the Americas during European settlement. In Haiti, carnival is also heavily influenced by local customs, such as Vodou religious rituals, and Haitian music.
The carnival is celebrated with music, bands, and parades. Parades have floats, sometimes with children participating in the celebrations. The floats typically have sound systems set up on trucks to play music to the crowds. Food stands selling barbecued treats and rum are a popular part of celebrations. There are also comedy plays put on by the carnival participants, often satirizing political topics. Revelers wear masks and costumes, as they do at other carnival celebrations in the Caribbean, North America, and Central and South America. The parades make their way through the streets of Port-au-Prince and end with celebrations at the large plaza Champ De Mars, located across from the Palais National (National Palace), the former residence of Haiti's president.
Music is central to Haiti's carnival. Rap kreyòl rap, konpa (Compas), and mizik rasin. The carnival is the largest annual event where bands can gain more public exposure and it provides the opportunity to perform at large concerts. Popular konpa bands participate in the carnival and perform for dancers in the streets of Champ De Mars. In Haiti, there are also competitions between some bands.
Every year, tourists travel to Haiti's carnival to enjoy it.
The first Mardi Gras celebrations in Europe were a carnivalesque opportunity for people to indulge themselves, celebrate, and even subvert authority in a permissible way, as part of the party. Mardi Gras enabled people to enjoy the pleasures of life before the beginning of the Catholic Lent season, a period of 40 days and nights of fasting and penance leading up to Easter. The Catholic festival was imported to Haiti and elsewhere in the Americas during European settlement. In Haiti, carnival is also heavily influenced by local customs, such as Vodou religious rituals, and Haitian music.
The carnival is celebrated with music, bands, and parades. Parades have floats, sometimes with children participating in the celebrations. The floats typically have sound systems set up on trucks to play music to the crowds. Food stands selling barbecued treats and rum are a popular part of celebrations. There are also comedy plays put on by the carnival participants, often satirizing political topics. Revelers wear masks and costumes, as they do at other carnival celebrations in the Caribbean, North America, and Central and South America. The parades make their way through the streets of Port-au-Prince and end with celebrations at the large plaza Champ De Mars, located across from the Palais National (National Palace), the former residence of Haiti's president.
Music is central to Haiti's carnival. Rap kreyòl rap, konpa (Compas), and mizik rasin. The carnival is the largest annual event where bands can gain more public exposure and it provides the opportunity to perform at large concerts. Popular konpa bands participate in the carnival and perform for dancers in the streets of Champ De Mars. In Haiti, there are also competitions between some bands.
Every year, tourists travel to Haiti's carnival to enjoy it.
Carnival masks made of paper-mâché were prepared in Jacmel, 2002.
The large official public celebration of carnival in Haiti started in 1804 in the capitol of Haiti, Port-au-Prince.
Carnival celebrations were traditionally considered "sinful" to Protestant Haitians, who were advised by their ministers not to participate. The celebrations were criticized for condoning sexually suggestive dancing, profanity-filled plays, music lyrics mocking authority, and Vodou and konpa music rhythms.
Celebrations were greatly curtailed by the 2010 Haiti earthquake, although they still took place on a much-reduced scale, with only one-quarter of the usual budget. There was disagreement among Haitians about whether or not it was appropriate to have the carnival at all in early 2011. The 2011 carnival featured many costumed performers satirizing darker themes than usual, such as the post-earthquake cholera epidemic and the need for humanitarian relief. In 2012, the carnival was held on a larger scale and was a success.
Creole carnival expressions Haitian Creole, largely based on the French vocabulary, with influences from African, Spanish, Portuguese, and Carib languages, has a variety of expressions associated with its carnival celebrations. Its celebrations give revelers an opportunity to throw away their inhibitions, and the expressions encourage this:
There are also one-on-one fights between young men during the festivities. These are called gagann. Combatants are surrounded by a semi-circle of supporters.
The large official public celebration of carnival in Haiti started in 1804 in the capitol of Haiti, Port-au-Prince.
Carnival celebrations were traditionally considered "sinful" to Protestant Haitians, who were advised by their ministers not to participate. The celebrations were criticized for condoning sexually suggestive dancing, profanity-filled plays, music lyrics mocking authority, and Vodou and konpa music rhythms.
Celebrations were greatly curtailed by the 2010 Haiti earthquake, although they still took place on a much-reduced scale, with only one-quarter of the usual budget. There was disagreement among Haitians about whether or not it was appropriate to have the carnival at all in early 2011. The 2011 carnival featured many costumed performers satirizing darker themes than usual, such as the post-earthquake cholera epidemic and the need for humanitarian relief. In 2012, the carnival was held on a larger scale and was a success.
Creole carnival expressions Haitian Creole, largely based on the French vocabulary, with influences from African, Spanish, Portuguese, and Carib languages, has a variety of expressions associated with its carnival celebrations. Its celebrations give revelers an opportunity to throw away their inhibitions, and the expressions encourage this:
- lagé ko'w: 'Let go of yourself
- mété menw' anlè: 'put your hands in the air'
- balansé: 'sway'
- bobinen: 'spin'
- souké: 'shake'
- soté: 'jump up'
- gouyé: 'grind your hips'
- volé: 'jump up'
There are also one-on-one fights between young men during the festivities. These are called gagann. Combatants are surrounded by a semi-circle of supporters.
Haiti has a unique traditional carnival, Rara, that is separate from the main pre-Lent carnival celebrations. Rara processions take place during the day and sometimes at night during Lent, then culminate in a week-long celebration that takes place at the end of Lent, during the Catholic 'Holy Week', which includes the Easter holiday. Rara has its roots in Haiti outside the city's areas called: "andeyo", the rural areas around Port-au-Prince. It is based on peasant Easter celebration customs. Rara celebrations include parades with musicians playing drums, tin trumpets, bamboo horns called "vaksens", and other instruments. Parades also include dancers and costumed characters such as Queens (called renns), Presidents, Colonels, and other representatives of a complex rare band hierarchy, similar to the Krewe organization of New Orleans Mardi Gras bands.
Rara is called "Vodou taken on the road" by Haitians. Processions of female dancers follow male Vodou religious leaders, accompanied by drummers and vaksen bands, stopping at crossroads, cemeteries, and the homes of community leaders. Rara rituals are public acknowledgments of the power of local "big men" in the communities. Money is given to the leaders of rara organizations and communities during processions. The incorporation of military costumes and dance steps in rara processions is also an acknowledgment of the community hierarchy and the folk belief that Vodou rituals, including rara, supported the success of the Haitian Revolution, and the continued well-being of Haiti. Rara band members believe that they have made a contract with spirits, and must perform for seven years, otherwise, adversity will result.
This event included popular local konpa bands. This event supposedly originated in earlier times, but no such Carnival celebration had been held since (at least) the transition to democracy in 1986.
Koudyay is a type of spontaneous celebration in Haiti, similar to a carnival celebration. During Haiti's years under the dictatorship of Papa Doc Duvalier, the government-sponsored koudyay festivities as a means to distract the people of Haiti from economic and political problems, and to give a limited, sanctioned way for people to release frustrations and avert rioting.
Kompa carnival bands Carnival is an important commercial event for Haitian musicians. Musicians have an opportunity to expand their audience by performing for crowds during the 3 days prior to Ash Wednesday. While Carnival bands can integrate many styles of music, compas is a common form used. In Haitian Creole, it is spelled konpa, though it is commonly spelled "kompa".
Rara is called "Vodou taken on the road" by Haitians. Processions of female dancers follow male Vodou religious leaders, accompanied by drummers and vaksen bands, stopping at crossroads, cemeteries, and the homes of community leaders. Rara rituals are public acknowledgments of the power of local "big men" in the communities. Money is given to the leaders of rara organizations and communities during processions. The incorporation of military costumes and dance steps in rara processions is also an acknowledgment of the community hierarchy and the folk belief that Vodou rituals, including rara, supported the success of the Haitian Revolution, and the continued well-being of Haiti. Rara band members believe that they have made a contract with spirits, and must perform for seven years, otherwise, adversity will result.
This event included popular local konpa bands. This event supposedly originated in earlier times, but no such Carnival celebration had been held since (at least) the transition to democracy in 1986.
Koudyay is a type of spontaneous celebration in Haiti, similar to a carnival celebration. During Haiti's years under the dictatorship of Papa Doc Duvalier, the government-sponsored koudyay festivities as a means to distract the people of Haiti from economic and political problems, and to give a limited, sanctioned way for people to release frustrations and avert rioting.
Kompa carnival bands Carnival is an important commercial event for Haitian musicians. Musicians have an opportunity to expand their audience by performing for crowds during the 3 days prior to Ash Wednesday. While Carnival bands can integrate many styles of music, compas is a common form used. In Haitian Creole, it is spelled konpa, though it is commonly spelled "kompa".
Voodoo is generally known as the religion of Haiti. But in reality, it is a practice of many, all over the world. The religion is practiced by many countries around the world. You will find many people that believe in powerful voodoo spells to heal or solve love challenges in some part of us, like Louisiana, most of Africa, and South America.
The origins of Voodoo are in West Africa. Even though it started before colonialism, the religion started somewhere in the area where today’s Nigeria, Benin, Cameroon, and other neighboring countries are located.
Voodoo would then spread across the world during the time of the slave trade. Africans were forcibly tan away from the land of their ancestors. When they arrived in foreign lands, some gave up their religions and followed those of the West. However, some refused to give up and continued to practice. When they spread out into countries across South America, powerful Haitian voodoo love spells were born.
The origins of Voodoo are in West Africa. Even though it started before colonialism, the religion started somewhere in the area where today’s Nigeria, Benin, Cameroon, and other neighboring countries are located.
Voodoo would then spread across the world during the time of the slave trade. Africans were forcibly tan away from the land of their ancestors. When they arrived in foreign lands, some gave up their religions and followed those of the West. However, some refused to give up and continued to practice. When they spread out into countries across South America, powerful Haitian voodoo love spells were born.
More specifically it has been characterized as Haiti's "national religion" and as an Afro-Haitian religion, as well as a "traditional religion" and a "folk religion." Its main structure derives from the African traditional religions of West and Central Africa which were brought to Haiti by enslaved Africans between the 16th and 19th centuries. On the island, these African religions mixed with the iconography of European-derived traditions such as Roman Catholicism and Freemasonry, taking the form of Vodou around the mid-18th century. In combining varied influences, Vodou has often been described as syncretic, or a "symbiosis", a religion exhibiting diverse cultural influences.
Despite its older influences, Vodou represented "a new religion", "a creolized New World system", one that differs in many ways from African traditional religions. One of the most complex of the African diasporic traditions, the scholar Leslie Desmangles called it an "African-derived tradition", Ina J. Fandrich termed it a "neo-African religion", and Markel Thy Lefors called it an "Afro-Latin American religion". Owing to their shared origins in West African traditional religion, Vodou has been characterized as a "sister religion" of Cuban Santeria and Brazilian Candomblé.
In English, Vodou's practitioners are termed Voodooists, or—in French and Haitian Creole--Vodouisants or Vodouyizan. Another term for adherents is sèvitè (serviteurs, "devotees"), reflecting their self-description as people who sèvi lwa ("serve the lwa"), the supernatural beings that play a central role in Vodou. Lacking any central institutional authority, Vodou has no single leader. It thus has no orthodoxy, no central liturgy, nor a formal creed. Developing over the course of several centuries, it has changed over time. It displays variation at both the regional and local level—including variation between Haiti and the Haitian diaspora—as well as among different congregations. It is practiced domestically, by families on their land, but also by congregations meeting communally, with the latter termed "temple Vodou".
In Haitian culture, religions are not generally deemed totally autonomous, with many Haitians practicing both Vodou and Roman Catholicism. Voodooists usually regard themselves as Roman Catholics. In Haiti, Voodooists have also practiced Mormonism and Freemasonry, while abroad they have involved themselves in Santeria and modern Paganism. Vodou has also absorbed elements from other contexts; in Cuba, some Voodooists have adopted elements from Spiritism. Influenced by the Négritude movement, other Voodooists have sought to remove Roman Catholic and other European influences from their practice of Vodou.
The ritual language used in Vodou is termed language. Many of these terms—including the word Vodou itself—derive from the Fon language of West Africa. First recorded in the 1658 Doctrina Christiana, the Fon word Vôdoun was used in the West African kingdom of Dahomey to signify a spirit or deity. In Haitian Creole, Vodou came to designate a specific style of dance and drumming, before outsiders to the religion adopted it as a generic term for much Afro-Haitian religion. The word Vodou now encompasses "a variety of Haiti's African-derived religious traditions and practices", incorporating "a bundle of practices that practitioners themselves do not aggregate". Vodou is thus a term primarily used by scholars and outsiders to the religion; many practitioners describe their belief system with the term Ginen, which especially denotes a moral philosophy and ethical code regarding how to live and to serve the spirits.
Vodou is the common spelling for the religion among scholars, in official Haitian Creole orthography, and by the United States Library of Congress. Some scholars use the spellings Vodoun or Vodun, while in French the spellings vaudou or vaudoux also appear. The spelling Voodoo, once common, is now generally avoided by practitioners and scholars when referring to the Haitian religion. This is both to avoid confusion with Louisiana Voodoo, a related but distinct tradition, and to distinguish it from the negative connotations that the term Voodoo has in Western popular culture.
Despite its older influences, Vodou represented "a new religion", "a creolized New World system", one that differs in many ways from African traditional religions. One of the most complex of the African diasporic traditions, the scholar Leslie Desmangles called it an "African-derived tradition", Ina J. Fandrich termed it a "neo-African religion", and Markel Thy Lefors called it an "Afro-Latin American religion". Owing to their shared origins in West African traditional religion, Vodou has been characterized as a "sister religion" of Cuban Santeria and Brazilian Candomblé.
In English, Vodou's practitioners are termed Voodooists, or—in French and Haitian Creole--Vodouisants or Vodouyizan. Another term for adherents is sèvitè (serviteurs, "devotees"), reflecting their self-description as people who sèvi lwa ("serve the lwa"), the supernatural beings that play a central role in Vodou. Lacking any central institutional authority, Vodou has no single leader. It thus has no orthodoxy, no central liturgy, nor a formal creed. Developing over the course of several centuries, it has changed over time. It displays variation at both the regional and local level—including variation between Haiti and the Haitian diaspora—as well as among different congregations. It is practiced domestically, by families on their land, but also by congregations meeting communally, with the latter termed "temple Vodou".
In Haitian culture, religions are not generally deemed totally autonomous, with many Haitians practicing both Vodou and Roman Catholicism. Voodooists usually regard themselves as Roman Catholics. In Haiti, Voodooists have also practiced Mormonism and Freemasonry, while abroad they have involved themselves in Santeria and modern Paganism. Vodou has also absorbed elements from other contexts; in Cuba, some Voodooists have adopted elements from Spiritism. Influenced by the Négritude movement, other Voodooists have sought to remove Roman Catholic and other European influences from their practice of Vodou.
The ritual language used in Vodou is termed language. Many of these terms—including the word Vodou itself—derive from the Fon language of West Africa. First recorded in the 1658 Doctrina Christiana, the Fon word Vôdoun was used in the West African kingdom of Dahomey to signify a spirit or deity. In Haitian Creole, Vodou came to designate a specific style of dance and drumming, before outsiders to the religion adopted it as a generic term for much Afro-Haitian religion. The word Vodou now encompasses "a variety of Haiti's African-derived religious traditions and practices", incorporating "a bundle of practices that practitioners themselves do not aggregate". Vodou is thus a term primarily used by scholars and outsiders to the religion; many practitioners describe their belief system with the term Ginen, which especially denotes a moral philosophy and ethical code regarding how to live and to serve the spirits.
Vodou is the common spelling for the religion among scholars, in official Haitian Creole orthography, and by the United States Library of Congress. Some scholars use the spellings Vodoun or Vodun, while in French the spellings vaudou or vaudoux also appear. The spelling Voodoo, once common, is now generally avoided by practitioners and scholars when referring to the Haitian religion. This is both to avoid confusion with Louisiana Voodoo, a related but distinct tradition, and to distinguish it from the negative connotations that the term Voodoo has in Western popular culture.
Teaching the existence of a single supreme God, Vodou has been described as monotheistic. Believed to have created the universe, this entity is called Bondye or Bonié, a term deriving from the French Bon Dieu ("Good God"). Another term used is the Gran Mèt, which derives from Freemasonry. For Vodouyizan, Bondye is seen as the ultimate source of power, deemed responsible for maintaining universal order. Bondye is also regarded as remote and transcendent, not involving itself in human affairs; there is thus little point in approaching it directly. Haitians will frequently use the phrase si Bondye vle ("if Bondye wishes"), suggesting a belief that all things occur in accordance with this divinity's will. While Vodouyizan often equates Bondye with the Christian God, Vodou does not incorporate belief in a powerful antagonist that opposes the supreme being akin to the Christian notion of Satan.
Vodou has also been characterized as polytheistic. It teaches the existence of beings known as the lwa (or loa), a term varyingly translated into English as "spirits", "gods", or "geniuses". These lwa are also known as the mystères, anges, saints, and les invisibles, and are sometimes equated with the angels of Christian cosmology. Vodou teaches that there are over a thousand lwa. The lwa can offer help, protection, and counsel to humans, in return for ritual service. They are regarded as the intermediaries of Bondye, and as having wisdom that is useful for humans, although they are not seen as moral exemplars that practitioners should imitate. Each lwa has its own personality and is associated with specific colors, days of the week, and objects. The lwa can be either loyal or capricious in their dealings with their devotees; Vodouyizan believe that the lwa are easily offended, for instance if offered food that they dislike. When angered, the lwa are believed to remove their protection from their devotees, or to inflict misfortune, illness, or madness on an individual.
Although there are exceptions, most lwa names derive from the Fon and Yoruba languages. New lwa are nevertheless added; practitioners believe that some Vodou priests and priestesses became lwa after death, or that certain talismans become lwa. Vodouyizan often refer to the lwa residing in "Guinea", but this is not intended as a precise geographical location, but a generalized understanding of Africa as the ancestral land. Many lwa are also understood to live under the water, at the bottom of the sea or in rivers. Vodouyizan believe that the lwa communicate with humans through dreams and through the possession of human beings.
The lwa are divided into nanchon or "nations". This classificatory system derives from the way in which enslaved West Africans were divided into "nations" upon their arrival in Haiti, usually based on their African port of departure rather than their ethnocultural identity. The term fanmi (family) is sometimes used synonymously with "nation" or alternatively as a sub-division of the latter category. It is often claimed that there are 17 nanchon, of which the Rada and the Petwo are the largest and most dominant. The Rada derive their name from Arada, a city in the Dahomey kingdom of West Africa. The Rada lwa are usually regarded as dous or doux, meaning that they are sweet-tempered. The Petwo lwa are conversely seen as lwa chaud (lwa cho), indicating that they can be forceful or violent and are associated with fire; they are generally regarded as being socially transgressive and subversive. The Rada lwa are seen as being 'cool'; the Petwo lwa as 'hot'. The Rada lwa are generally regarded as righteous, whereas their Petwo counterparts are thought of as being more morally ambiguous, associated with issues like money. The Petwo lwa derive from various backgrounds, including Creole, Kongo, and Dahomeyan. Many lwa exist andezo or en deux eaux, meaning that they are "in two waters" and are served in both Rada and Petwo rituals.
Vodou has also been characterized as polytheistic. It teaches the existence of beings known as the lwa (or loa), a term varyingly translated into English as "spirits", "gods", or "geniuses". These lwa are also known as the mystères, anges, saints, and les invisibles, and are sometimes equated with the angels of Christian cosmology. Vodou teaches that there are over a thousand lwa. The lwa can offer help, protection, and counsel to humans, in return for ritual service. They are regarded as the intermediaries of Bondye, and as having wisdom that is useful for humans, although they are not seen as moral exemplars that practitioners should imitate. Each lwa has its own personality and is associated with specific colors, days of the week, and objects. The lwa can be either loyal or capricious in their dealings with their devotees; Vodouyizan believe that the lwa are easily offended, for instance if offered food that they dislike. When angered, the lwa are believed to remove their protection from their devotees, or to inflict misfortune, illness, or madness on an individual.
Although there are exceptions, most lwa names derive from the Fon and Yoruba languages. New lwa are nevertheless added; practitioners believe that some Vodou priests and priestesses became lwa after death, or that certain talismans become lwa. Vodouyizan often refer to the lwa residing in "Guinea", but this is not intended as a precise geographical location, but a generalized understanding of Africa as the ancestral land. Many lwa are also understood to live under the water, at the bottom of the sea or in rivers. Vodouyizan believe that the lwa communicate with humans through dreams and through the possession of human beings.
The lwa are divided into nanchon or "nations". This classificatory system derives from the way in which enslaved West Africans were divided into "nations" upon their arrival in Haiti, usually based on their African port of departure rather than their ethnocultural identity. The term fanmi (family) is sometimes used synonymously with "nation" or alternatively as a sub-division of the latter category. It is often claimed that there are 17 nanchon, of which the Rada and the Petwo are the largest and most dominant. The Rada derive their name from Arada, a city in the Dahomey kingdom of West Africa. The Rada lwa are usually regarded as dous or doux, meaning that they are sweet-tempered. The Petwo lwa are conversely seen as lwa chaud (lwa cho), indicating that they can be forceful or violent and are associated with fire; they are generally regarded as being socially transgressive and subversive. The Rada lwa are seen as being 'cool'; the Petwo lwa as 'hot'. The Rada lwa are generally regarded as righteous, whereas their Petwo counterparts are thought of as being more morally ambiguous, associated with issues like money. The Petwo lwa derive from various backgrounds, including Creole, Kongo, and Dahomeyan. Many lwa exist andezo or en deux eaux, meaning that they are "in two waters" and are served in both Rada and Petwo rituals.
Papa Legba, also known as Legba, is the first lwa saluted during ceremonies. He is depicted as a feeble old man wearing rags and using a crutch. Papa Legba is regarded as the protector of gates and fences and thus of the home, as well as of roads, paths, and crossroads. The second lwa that are usually greeted are the Marasa or sacred twins. In Vodou, every nation has its own Marasa, reflecting a belief that twins have special powers. Agwe, also known as Agwe-taroyo, is associated with aquatic life, and protector of ships and fishermen. Agwe is believed to rule the sea with his consort, La Sirène. She is a mermaid or siren and is sometimes described as Èzili of the Waters because she is believed to bring good luck and wealth from the sea. Èzili Freda or Erzuli Freda is the lwa of love and luxury, personifying feminine beauty and grace. Ezili Dantor is a lwa who takes the form of a peasant woman.
Zaka (or Azaka) is the lwa of crops and agriculture, usually addressed as "Papa" or "Cousin". His consort is the female lwa Kouzinn. Loco is the lwa of vegetation, and because he is seen to give healing properties to various plant species is considered the lwa of healing too. Ogou is a warrior lwa, associated with weapons. Sogbo is a lwa associated with lightning, while his companion, Bade, is associated with the wind. Danbala (or Damballa) is a serpent lwa and is associated with water, being believed to frequent rivers, springs, and marshes; he is one of the most popular deities within the pantheon. Danbala and his consort Ayida-Weddo (or Ayida Wedo) are often depicted as a pair of intertwining snakes. The Simbi are understood as the guardians of fountains and marshes.
Usually seen as a fanmi rather than a nanchon, the gede (also ghede or guédé) are associated with the realm of the dead. The head of the family is Baron Samedi ("Baron Saturday"). His consort is Gran Brigit; she has authority over cemeteries and is regarded as the mother of many of the other gede. When the gede are believed to have arrived at a Vodou ceremony they are usually greeted with joy because they bring merriment. Those possessed by the gede at these ceremonies are known for making sexual innuendos; the gede's symbol is an erect penis, while the banda dance associated with them involves sexual-style thrusting.
Most lwa are associated with specific Roman Catholic saints. For instance, Azaka, the lwa of agriculture, is associated with Saint Isidore the farmer. Similarly, because he is understood as the "key" to the spirit world, Papa Legba is typically associated with Saint Peter, who is visually depicted holding keys in traditional Roman Catholic imagery. The lwa of love and luxury, Èzili Freda, is associated with Mater Dolorosa. Danbala, who is a serpent, is often equated with Saint Patrick, who is traditionally depicted in a scene with snakes; alternatively, he is often associated with Moses, whose staff turned into snakes. The Marasa, or sacred twins, are typically equated with the twin saints Cosmos and Damian. Scholars like Leslie Desmangles have argued that Vodouyizan originally adopted the Roman Catholic saints to conceal lwa worship when the latter was illegal during the colonial period. Observing Vodou in the latter part of the 20th century, Donald J. Cosentino argued that it was no longer the case that the use of the Roman Catholic saints was merely a ruse, but rather reflected the genuine devotional expression of many Vodouyizan. Chromolithographic prints of the saints have been popular among Vodouyizan since being invented in the mid-19th century, while images of the saints are commonly applied to the drapo flags used in Vodou ritual and are also commonly painted on the walls of temples in Port-au-Prince.
Zaka (or Azaka) is the lwa of crops and agriculture, usually addressed as "Papa" or "Cousin". His consort is the female lwa Kouzinn. Loco is the lwa of vegetation, and because he is seen to give healing properties to various plant species is considered the lwa of healing too. Ogou is a warrior lwa, associated with weapons. Sogbo is a lwa associated with lightning, while his companion, Bade, is associated with the wind. Danbala (or Damballa) is a serpent lwa and is associated with water, being believed to frequent rivers, springs, and marshes; he is one of the most popular deities within the pantheon. Danbala and his consort Ayida-Weddo (or Ayida Wedo) are often depicted as a pair of intertwining snakes. The Simbi are understood as the guardians of fountains and marshes.
Usually seen as a fanmi rather than a nanchon, the gede (also ghede or guédé) are associated with the realm of the dead. The head of the family is Baron Samedi ("Baron Saturday"). His consort is Gran Brigit; she has authority over cemeteries and is regarded as the mother of many of the other gede. When the gede are believed to have arrived at a Vodou ceremony they are usually greeted with joy because they bring merriment. Those possessed by the gede at these ceremonies are known for making sexual innuendos; the gede's symbol is an erect penis, while the banda dance associated with them involves sexual-style thrusting.
Most lwa are associated with specific Roman Catholic saints. For instance, Azaka, the lwa of agriculture, is associated with Saint Isidore the farmer. Similarly, because he is understood as the "key" to the spirit world, Papa Legba is typically associated with Saint Peter, who is visually depicted holding keys in traditional Roman Catholic imagery. The lwa of love and luxury, Èzili Freda, is associated with Mater Dolorosa. Danbala, who is a serpent, is often equated with Saint Patrick, who is traditionally depicted in a scene with snakes; alternatively, he is often associated with Moses, whose staff turned into snakes. The Marasa, or sacred twins, are typically equated with the twin saints Cosmos and Damian. Scholars like Leslie Desmangles have argued that Vodouyizan originally adopted the Roman Catholic saints to conceal lwa worship when the latter was illegal during the colonial period. Observing Vodou in the latter part of the 20th century, Donald J. Cosentino argued that it was no longer the case that the use of the Roman Catholic saints was merely a ruse, but rather reflected the genuine devotional expression of many Vodouyizan. Chromolithographic prints of the saints have been popular among Vodouyizan since being invented in the mid-19th century, while images of the saints are commonly applied to the drapo flags used in Vodou ritual and are also commonly painted on the walls of temples in Port-au-Prince.
Vodou holds that Bondye created humanity in his image, fashioning humans out of water and clay. It teaches the existence of a spirit or soul, the espri, which is divided in two parts. One of these is the ti bonnanj (ti bon ange or "little good angel"), and it is understood as the conscience that allows an individual to engage in self-reflection and self-criticism. The other part is the gwo bonnanj (gros bon ange or "big, good angel") and this constitutes the psyche, source of memory, intelligence, and personhood.] These are both believed to reside within an individual's head. Vodouyizan believe that the gwo bonnanj can leave the head and go travelling while a person is sleeping.
Vodouyizan believe that every individual is intrinsically connected to a specific lwa. This lwa is their mèt tèt (master of the head). They believe that this lwa informs the individual's personality. Vodou holds that the identity of a person's tutelary lwa can be identified through divination or through consulting lwa when they possess other humans. Some of the religion's priests and priestesses are deemed to have "the gift of eyes", in that they can directly see what an individual's tutelary lwa is.
At bodily death, the gwo bonnanj join the Ginen, or ancestral spirits, while the ti bonnanj proceeds to the afterlife to face judgement before Bondye. This idea of judgement before Bondye is more common in urban areas, having been influenced by Roman Catholicism, while in the Haitian mountains it is more common for Vodouyizan to believe that the ti bonnanj dissolves into the navel of the earth nine days after death. It is believed that the gwo bonnanj stays in Ginen for a year and a day before being absorbed into the family of the Gede. Ginen is often identified as being located beneath the sea, under the earth, or above the sky.
Vodouists hold that the spirits of dead humans are different from the gede, who are regarded as lwa. Vodouyizan believe that the dead continue to participate in human affairs, requiring sacrifices. It does not teach the existence of any afterlife realm akin to the Christian ideas of heaven and hell. Rather, in Vodou the spirits of the dead are believed to often complain that their own realm is cold and damp and that they suffer from hunger.
Vodou permeates every aspect of its adherent's lives. The ethical standards it promotes correspond to its sense of the cosmological order. A belief in the interdependence of things plays a role in Vodou approaches to ethical issues. Serving the lwa is central to Vodou and its moral codes reflect the reciprocal relationship that practitioners have with these spirits, with a responsible relationship with the lwa ensuring that virtue is maintained. Vodou also reinforces family ties; respect for the elderly is a key value, with the extended family being of importance in Haitian society.
Vodou does not promote a dualistic belief in a firm division between good and evil. It offers no prescriptive code of ethics; rather than being rule-based, Vodou morality is deemed contextual to the situation. Vodou reflects people's everyday concerns, focusing on techniques for mitigating illness and misfortune; doing what one needs to in order to survive is considered a high ethic. Among Vodouyizan, a moral person is regarded as someone who lives in tune with their character and that of their tutelary lwa. In general, acts that reinforce Bondye's power are deemed good; those that undermine it are seen as bad. Maji, meaning the use of supernatural powers for self-serving and malevolent ends, are usually regarded as being bad. The term is quite flexible; it is usually used to denigrate other Vodouyizan, although some practitioners have used it as a self-descriptor in reference to petwo rites.
Vodou promotes a belief in destiny, although individuals are still deemed to have freedom of choice. This view of destiny has been interpreted as encouraging a fatalistic outlook among practitioners, something that the religion's critics, especially from Christian backgrounds, have argued has discouraged Vodouyizan from improving their society. This has been extended into an argument that Vodou is responsible for Haiti's poverty, an argument that in turn has been accused of being rooted in European colonial prejudices towards Africans and overlooking the complex historical and environmental factors impacting Haiti.
Vodou has been described as reflecting misogynistic elements of Haitian culture while at the same time empowering women to a greater extent than in many religions by allowing them to become priestesses. As social and spiritual leaders, women can also lay claim to moral authority in Vodou. Some practitioners state that the lwa determined their sexual orientation, turning them homosexual; various priests are homosexual, and the lwa Èzili is seen as the patron of masisi (gay men).
Vodouyizan believe that every individual is intrinsically connected to a specific lwa. This lwa is their mèt tèt (master of the head). They believe that this lwa informs the individual's personality. Vodou holds that the identity of a person's tutelary lwa can be identified through divination or through consulting lwa when they possess other humans. Some of the religion's priests and priestesses are deemed to have "the gift of eyes", in that they can directly see what an individual's tutelary lwa is.
At bodily death, the gwo bonnanj join the Ginen, or ancestral spirits, while the ti bonnanj proceeds to the afterlife to face judgement before Bondye. This idea of judgement before Bondye is more common in urban areas, having been influenced by Roman Catholicism, while in the Haitian mountains it is more common for Vodouyizan to believe that the ti bonnanj dissolves into the navel of the earth nine days after death. It is believed that the gwo bonnanj stays in Ginen for a year and a day before being absorbed into the family of the Gede. Ginen is often identified as being located beneath the sea, under the earth, or above the sky.
Vodouists hold that the spirits of dead humans are different from the gede, who are regarded as lwa. Vodouyizan believe that the dead continue to participate in human affairs, requiring sacrifices. It does not teach the existence of any afterlife realm akin to the Christian ideas of heaven and hell. Rather, in Vodou the spirits of the dead are believed to often complain that their own realm is cold and damp and that they suffer from hunger.
Vodou permeates every aspect of its adherent's lives. The ethical standards it promotes correspond to its sense of the cosmological order. A belief in the interdependence of things plays a role in Vodou approaches to ethical issues. Serving the lwa is central to Vodou and its moral codes reflect the reciprocal relationship that practitioners have with these spirits, with a responsible relationship with the lwa ensuring that virtue is maintained. Vodou also reinforces family ties; respect for the elderly is a key value, with the extended family being of importance in Haitian society.
Vodou does not promote a dualistic belief in a firm division between good and evil. It offers no prescriptive code of ethics; rather than being rule-based, Vodou morality is deemed contextual to the situation. Vodou reflects people's everyday concerns, focusing on techniques for mitigating illness and misfortune; doing what one needs to in order to survive is considered a high ethic. Among Vodouyizan, a moral person is regarded as someone who lives in tune with their character and that of their tutelary lwa. In general, acts that reinforce Bondye's power are deemed good; those that undermine it are seen as bad. Maji, meaning the use of supernatural powers for self-serving and malevolent ends, are usually regarded as being bad. The term is quite flexible; it is usually used to denigrate other Vodouyizan, although some practitioners have used it as a self-descriptor in reference to petwo rites.
Vodou promotes a belief in destiny, although individuals are still deemed to have freedom of choice. This view of destiny has been interpreted as encouraging a fatalistic outlook among practitioners, something that the religion's critics, especially from Christian backgrounds, have argued has discouraged Vodouyizan from improving their society. This has been extended into an argument that Vodou is responsible for Haiti's poverty, an argument that in turn has been accused of being rooted in European colonial prejudices towards Africans and overlooking the complex historical and environmental factors impacting Haiti.
Vodou has been described as reflecting misogynistic elements of Haitian culture while at the same time empowering women to a greater extent than in many religions by allowing them to become priestesses. As social and spiritual leaders, women can also lay claim to moral authority in Vodou. Some practitioners state that the lwa determined their sexual orientation, turning them homosexual; various priests are homosexual, and the lwa Èzili is seen as the patron of masisi (gay men).
Male priests are referred to as an ougan, alternatively spelled houngan or ougan, or a prèt Vodou ("Vodou priest"). Priestesses are termed manbo, alternatively spelled mambo. Ougan numerically dominate in rural Haiti, while there is a more equitable balance of priests and priestesses in urban areas. The ougan and mambo are tasked with organizing liturgies, preparing initiations, offering consultations with clients using divination, and preparing remedies for the sick. There is no priestly hierarchy, with ougan and mambo being largely self-sufficient. In many cases, the role is hereditary. Historical evidence suggests that the role of the ougan and mambo intensified over the course of the 20th century. As a result, "temple Vodou" is now more common in rural areas of Haiti than it was in historical periods.
Vodou teaches that the lwa call an individual to become an ougan or manbo, and if the latter refuses, then misfortune may befall them. A prospective ougan or manbo must normally rise through the other roles in a Vodou congregation before undergoing an apprenticeship with a pre-existing ougan or manbo lasting several months or years. After this apprenticeship, they undergo an initiation ceremony, the details of which are kept secret from non-initiates. Other ougan and manbo do not undergo any apprenticeship but claim that they have gained their training directly from the lwa. Their authenticity is often challenged, and they are referred to as ougan-macout, a term bearing some disparaging connotations. Becoming an ougan or manbo is expensive, often requiring the purchase of ritual paraphernalia and land on which to build a temple. To finance this, many save up for a long time.
Vodouizan believe that the ougan's role is modelled on the lwa Loco; in Vodou mythology, he was the first ougan and his consort Ayizan the first manbo. The ougan and manbo are expected to display the power of second sight, something that is regarded as a gift from the creator deity that can be revealed to the individual through visions or dreams. Many priests and priestesses are often attributed fantastical powers in stories told about them, such as that they could spend several days underwater. Priests and priestess also bolster their status with claims that they have received spiritual revelations from the lwa, sometimes via visits to the lwa's own abode.
There is often bitter competition between different ougan and manbo. Their main income derives from healing the sick, supplemented with payments received for overseeing initiations and selling talismans and amulets. In many cases, these ougan and manbo become wealthier than their clients. Ougan and manbo are generally powerful and well-respected members of Haitian society. Being an ougan or manbo provides an individual with both social status and material profit, although the fame and reputation of individual priests and priestesses can vary widely. Respected Vodou priests and priestesses are often literate in a society where semi-literacy and illiteracy are common. They can recite from printed sacred texts and write letters for illiterate members of their community. Owing to their prominence in a community, the ougan and manbo can effectively become political leaders, or otherwise exert an influence on local politics. Some ougan and manbo have linked themselves closely with professional politicians, for instance during the reign of the Duvaliers.
Vodou teaches that the lwa call an individual to become an ougan or manbo, and if the latter refuses, then misfortune may befall them. A prospective ougan or manbo must normally rise through the other roles in a Vodou congregation before undergoing an apprenticeship with a pre-existing ougan or manbo lasting several months or years. After this apprenticeship, they undergo an initiation ceremony, the details of which are kept secret from non-initiates. Other ougan and manbo do not undergo any apprenticeship but claim that they have gained their training directly from the lwa. Their authenticity is often challenged, and they are referred to as ougan-macout, a term bearing some disparaging connotations. Becoming an ougan or manbo is expensive, often requiring the purchase of ritual paraphernalia and land on which to build a temple. To finance this, many save up for a long time.
Vodouizan believe that the ougan's role is modelled on the lwa Loco; in Vodou mythology, he was the first ougan and his consort Ayizan the first manbo. The ougan and manbo are expected to display the power of second sight, something that is regarded as a gift from the creator deity that can be revealed to the individual through visions or dreams. Many priests and priestesses are often attributed fantastical powers in stories told about them, such as that they could spend several days underwater. Priests and priestess also bolster their status with claims that they have received spiritual revelations from the lwa, sometimes via visits to the lwa's own abode.
There is often bitter competition between different ougan and manbo. Their main income derives from healing the sick, supplemented with payments received for overseeing initiations and selling talismans and amulets. In many cases, these ougan and manbo become wealthier than their clients. Ougan and manbo are generally powerful and well-respected members of Haitian society. Being an ougan or manbo provides an individual with both social status and material profit, although the fame and reputation of individual priests and priestesses can vary widely. Respected Vodou priests and priestesses are often literate in a society where semi-literacy and illiteracy are common. They can recite from printed sacred texts and write letters for illiterate members of their community. Owing to their prominence in a community, the ougan and manbo can effectively become political leaders, or otherwise exert an influence on local politics. Some ougan and manbo have linked themselves closely with professional politicians, for instance during the reign of the Duvaliers.